Venezuela's leaders give new meaning to the phrase “¡Ay, Caramba!”
By Thor Halvorssen and Garry Kasparov
Elections inVenezuela will take place this Sunday, April 14, when Hugo
Chávez's hand-picked successor, Nicolás Maduro, faces a united opposition lead
by Henrique Capriles. Subsequent analyses will center on whether the voting was
free and fair, or unfree and unfair, or a mixture of both. But for an accurate
bellwether, we need look no further than the status of dissent in the
country.
Much as the imprisonment of Pussy Riot perfectly symbolizes the insecurity
and viciousness of Russia's autocracy, one example of political persecution in
Venezuela is enough to tell us whether we should accept the country's election
results as legitimate.
Consider the little-known
case
of Miguel Ángel Hernández Souquett, a 51-year-old Venezuelan auto mechanic.
On February 5, 2010, at a baseball home game between Venezuela and Mexico,
Hernández was arrested by agents of Venezuela's military for the alleged crime
of "offenses against the head of government." His crime? Hernández was wearing a
short-sleeved T-shirt emblazoned with the cartoon character Bart Simpson,
depicted with his trousers down and exposing his buttocks. Printed in black
capital letters it read "Hugo, I shit on your revolution."
Hernández spent the night in a military jail and was then turned over to
Venezuela's notorious secret police, the SEBIN. The next morning a public
prosecutor requested measures alternative to pre-trial detention, and
stipulated
that Hernández be tried summarily.
The government allowed Hernández to return home but has since required him to
report to the authorities every 30 days while the trial is ongoing. The process
has stretched due to at least six trial deferrals because of the prosecution's
repeated inability, or unwillingness, to show up in court. Rather than
dismissing the case, the judge simply defers the case to a new date. He knows
full well that a dismissal might be considered a betrayal of the revolution --
and Venezuelan judges who rule against the government have been
known
to end up in prison. As a result, Hernández has lived in legal limbo for more
than three years. What's worse, a conviction could lead to a prison sentence of
up to two and a half years. Venezuela's prisons are no picnic: They are among
the
most
violent prisons in the world, with shockingly
high
murder rates. Hernández's next hearing is in June.
The Venezuelan authorities who made the accusation against Hernández
possible, as well as those in charge of his trial and potential conviction, have
violated the international standard for the right to freedom of expression. That
standard has bound Venezuela since August 9, 1977, when the country
ratified
the American Convention on Human Rights.
The alarming erosion of freedom of expression in Venezuela has been
thoroughly documented through reports, press releases, and public statements
issued by
international
human rights organizations. Since 2008, both the Inter-American Commission
on Human Rights and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights
have
condemned Venezuela repeatedly. In response, Venezuela has ignored their
legally binding pronouncements and gone so far as to rule that the
Inter-American Court is no longer legitimate and that its standards of freedom
of speech are no longer valid under the Chávez revolution.
Hernández
has
stated to the press: "If we live in a democratic country, I have the right
to state what I don't like. I was not referring to Chávez, but to his revolution
because I don't want it and I will never want it." His case is a microcosm of
what Venezuelans live through on a daily basis, and it reveals the environment
that the current electoral campaign occurs in.
There are millions of Venezuelans who share Mr. Hernández's position, even if
they do not engage in his "offensive" form of communication. The government's
actions send the unmistakable message that disliking the Chávez revolution, and
expressing this, is a crime punishable with years of trouble and a prison
sentence in the world's deadliest jails. Unfortunately, even if the chavista
government were to abandon its
demonstrable
and long-standing electoral fraud and manipulation that makes the Venezuelan
contest Putin-esque, this climate of fear and mandatory obedience to the
caudillo is sure to guarantee that Venezuela's nightmare will continue for
another six-year term.
Follow Thor Halvorssen on Twitter at @ThorHalvorssen
and Garry Kasparov at @Kasparov63.
Follow HRF at @HRF
and Democracy Lab at @Democracy_Lab.
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